THE DAMAGING EFFECTS OF CHILD PORNOGRAPHY
by Diana E.H. Russell, Ph.D.
Written September 2004

DO NOT QUOTE WITHOUT OBTAINING MY PERMISSION.

Introduction and Background: I sent this manuscript to my editor at Routledge Publishers in September 2004. Unfortunately, I was very late in meeting my deadline for many reasons, especially my intense involvement in initiating a campaign against the richest landlord in Berkeley (after UC Berkeley) for his 15-year exploitation of minor sexual slaves imported from India -- among other crimes. My editor had just quit her position at Routledge to accept a job at the New York University Press, so my manuscript remained unread while Routledge searched for a new editor. By January of 2005, a new editor had still not been hired, so I wrote to Mary McGinnis, the Vice President of Routledge to ask her what I should do about this. I feared if I revised the manuscript before I had an editor, she might well request that I revise it yet again. Ms. McGinnis told me to go ahead and revise it. Meanwhile, she said she would also like to see my manuscript. Less than a week later, she called me and declared that, "There is no way that Routledge will be associated with a book of this nature." "Why not?" I asked her. "It's the branding issue," she replied. "What do you mean?" I asked her, but she didn't explain. I interpreted her statement to mean that she didn't want Routledge to become known for publishing such a shocking book. It included many sexually explicit child pornography stories written for pedophiles, as well as descriptions of child pornography, including gross cartoons, all of which were legal. I told Ms. McGinnis that I was willing to remove the material that bothered her, but she insisted that she had discussed the issue with members of the staff, and she wasn't willing to reconsider. She resolutely held to her position despite my continued pleas. Since my manuscript was late, I had broken our contract, so I knew she would have this excuse to disregard it. Of course, this wasn't a genuine concern for her, since she had told me that I should go ahead and revise my manuscript. She said that she would help me find another publisher for this book. However, she did not follow through on this promise. I contacted my previous editor at New York University Press to ask if she and this publishing house would be interested in publishing Stolen Innocence. It so happened that New York University Press had published the major social scientific book on child pornography in recently. So she said that there would be no interest in publishing a book that would be in competition with this volume. I considered suing Routledge for breach of contract, since the lateness issue was obviously not the real reason for refusing to give me a chance to revise my manuscript. A respected colleague advised me not to, because she believed this would make it next to impossible to find another publisher, as well as jeopardizing publishers' interest in future projects of mine.

Stolen Innocence: The Damaging Effects of Child Pornography
Chapter 12: The Internet: A Utopia for Pedophiles

According to Amy Wells (2000; "Criminal procedure), access to child pornography was limited prior to the availability of child pornography on the Internet (p. 100). Hence, "Consumers of child pornography either had to know each other or seek out an underground network that exchanged pictures and videos through the mail or in person" (p. 100). Wells overlooks the availability of "under-the-counter" child pornography in some pornography stores that necessitated the would-be-consumer establishing trust with the pornography store manager or salesman, and perhaps offering a handsome tip as well.

Entering and exiting these pornography stores put the customers at risk of being seen by someone who knew or recognized them. Although these witnesses would have no way of knowing which customers were interested in child pornography, being observed would frequently cause embarrassment and anxiety that the ensuing gossip might reach the ears of family members, employees, friends, the boss, or other unwanted audiences. Indeed, if the customer was a well-known politician, teacher or priest, publicity about his frequenting the store could jeopardize his career.

In response to legislation aimed at eradicating child pornography, Jenkins (2001) maintains that it became "extremely difficult to obtain through non-electronic means," and has remained so for the last 20 years -- i.e., from about 1980 to 2000 (p. 9). However, a considerable amount of the child pornography that was originally off-line, is now available on the Internet.

Pedophiles are the focus of this chapter because it is commonly believed that a very large percentage of them are avid consumers of child pornography. However, there are also pedophiles who are ignorant about the availability of child pornography on the Internet and others who are computer illiterate and therefore unable to take advantage of its availability on the Internet. Nevertheless, I surmise that most researchers and clinicians would be surprised to find a pedophile who is familiar with child pornography but has no interest in it.

Studies of incarcerated pedophiles have found that they are significantly more interested than rapists of adult women in viewing pornography. For example, Carter, Prentky, Knight, Vanderveer, and Boucher (1986) found that "Less than 7% of the pedophile group reported that pornography had little importance in their lives" compared to 39% of the rapists (cited by Whetsell-Mitchell, p. 210). Furthermore, "The child sexual abuser group had double the reported incidence of using pornography before molesting, during the molestation, or to deal with the desire to molest" (p. 210).

Unfortunately, the researchers do not explain what the child molesters did with the pornography before molesting -- although it seems likely that they used it to stimulate their sexual arousal. Nor do they explain what this group of perpetrators did with the pornography during the molestation. In addition, they failed to say what they meant by "dealing" with the desire to molest. They also did not specify that the child molesters used child pornography -- although it seems reasonable to suppose that they did.

Many pedophiles are also the producers and distributors of child pornography. However, it was noted in Chapter 5 that there are also some child pornography entrepreneurs who are interested in making money -- not having sex with children. It is reasonable to assume that these child pornographers enjoy many of the same benefits by operating on the Internet as do pedophiles.

Some Ways in Which the Internet Facilitates Pedophiles' Child Pornography Pursuits

1. The Internet Provides Pedophiles with Easy Access to Child Pornography

Nordland and Bartholet (2001, March 19, The web's) observed that pedophiles no longer "have to prowl the seedier sections of the city for [child pornography] photos or films" (p. 48); they can use their own computers to access child pornography on websites located all over the world and to make instant copies of this material (p. 46). In addition, the Internet enables them to reach "a global audience faster than any other media" (Santos in Carlos A. Arnaldo. (Ed.). (2001), p. 58).

Several other researchers emphasize "the easy access adults now have to child pornography" on the Internet (Crimmins, ?1985/95, Testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee Hearings on Child Pornography on the Internet, p. 2; Wells, p. 100). Wells (2000) considers easy access as one of three major reasons "for the proliferation of child pornography on the Internet" (p. 100). She provides the following examples of factors that facilitate easy access:

"Traders in child pornography can visit electronic shops, browse through pornographic images, use their credit cards to purchase images they want and download their selections to either their hard drive or a floppy disk. There are also private networks where pedophiles share sordid stories of abuse and swap pornographic pictures. Also, electronic 'chat groups' provide easy access where child 'pornography can be exchanged more or less anonymously.'" (2000, pp. 100-101)

Jenkins (2001) also emphasizes "just how easy it is to find these materials" [child pornography] on the Internet (p. 3). "A month or so of free Web surfing could easily accumulate a child pornography library of several thousand images" (p. 3). Furthermore, Jenkins (2001) notes that "even the hardest [core] child pornography materials continue to be easily accessible for anyone with appropriate technical expertise" (p. 5; also see Santos, (in Carlos A. Arnaldo. (Ed.), 2001), p. 57). For example, Jenkins (2001) points out that

2. Advances in Technology have Increased the Ability of Pedophiles/Child Pornographers to Produce and Distribute Child Pornography on the Internet

There are many advances in technology that have increased the ability of pedophiles and child pornographers to produce and distribute child pornography. For example, Doyle describes the personal computer (PC) as having "revolutionized" the production and distribution of pornography, including child pornography, by providing "anonymity, privacy, and low cost" (p. 126).

Production of Child Pornography

Doyle (1999) describes how "photographic images from pictures or books can be scanned into the computer through the use of scanners" (p. 126). Scanners can then "convert images into a digital form that may be saved on a computer disk or hard drive" (pp. 126-27).

In addition, Doyle (1999) maintains that the production of home pornography has been enhanced by the development of "a compact digital video camera that records full color video and sound" in the production of live action (p. 127).

Doyle (1999) suggests that, "Perhaps the most insidious technological development in child pornography production is the creation of computer-generated pornography, virtual child pornography, or 'morphing'" (p. 127). He notes that "This type of child pornography is produced by the pornographer taking an innocent picture of a real child, putting it through a scanner, and converting it into an image that can be manipulated into pornography (pp. 127-28). Doyle (1999) describes how pornographers can "insert children's faces onto pornographic pictures of adult's bodies obtained from legal magazines that they scanned into a PC" (p. 128). "They can also slim down adult body parts," (Doyle, 1999, p. 128), "erase pubic hair or facial hair, and reduce and minimise breasts so as to make adult images look like children" (Healy, p. 7). These altered pictures have been transformed into computer-generated portrayals of children "engaging in any sort of sexual activity a pornographer wishes" (p. 128).

Doyle (1999) concludes that, "The ease of production of computer-generated child pornography poses an immense challenge to international efforts to stop the exploitation of children" (p. 128).

Distribution of Child Pornography

Prior to the Internet, child pornographers relied upon the mail or personal contact to exchange and distribute their materials, whereas now it can "be exchanged on floppy disks or ... delivered to a person's home via the Internet through newsgroups, bulletin boards, chat groups, web sites, and search engines" (Doyle, 1999, p. 128). This material can also be shared globally" (p. 129).

Although, "Both the distribution and possession of child pornography are criminal offences in most countries today," (Carlsson in Arnaldo, 2001, p. 62), Carlsson (2001) points out that, "The rapidity, economy and simplicity of the medium [internet] has expanded the distribution of child pornography immensely" (p. 62; emphasis added). Furthermore, "The Net's global reach implies unprecedented potential for effectively spreading illegal images" (p. 62).

Crimmins made a similar observation in his Testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee Hearings on Child Pornography on the Internet in ?1985/95 that

3. Electronic Advances on the Internet Permit Inexpensive Storage of Large Collections of Child Pornography

Referring to a case in which a sexual predator was caught having "downloaded 22,000 images of young boys and girls aged between two and thirteen," and having stored "100,000 hardcore pictures on his computer disks," Jenkins (2001) notes that, "Recent developments in electronic transmission and storage make such vast collections feasible" (p. 100). Furthermore, the risks of detection are diminished because "the fact that these images are in electronic form means that they can be stored in a very small space, without the substantial libraries that would have been required if they were in magazine form" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 100).

In addition, Jenkins (2001) points out that, "Floppy disks have largely been replaced by Zip disks," and, "A normal 100 megabyte Zip disk can contain perhaps three thousand images, an entire visual library that can be slipped into a jacket pocket" (p. 101).

Storage of child pornography has become extremely inexpensive. Jenkins (2001) notes, for example, that "the cost of storing a megabyte of memory" has fallen "from about nine dollars in 1984 to a mere nine cents in 2000" (p. 101).

4. The Internet Has Enhanced Pedophiles/Child Pornographers' Security

O'Connell (Paedophile Networking and the Internet in Von Feilitzen, Cecilia. (Ed.). (1999)) maintains that "the Internet provides a uniquely safe, easily accessible, and supportive context for posting, trading and collecting child pornography" (p. 7). Concurring on the security issue, Jenkins (2001) states that

In addition, the sheer number of pedophiles decreases the chances that any one of them will be caught. Presumably, it also enhances their feelings of safety, therefore making them more willing to pursue their desires.

Jenkins (2001) also suggests that possessing pictures of child pornography collected from the Internet "has some virtues for security purposes, since one has to access the photographs online only once and can view it [them] when desired, without facing the additional risks involved in surfing perilous Web sites" (p. 101).

However, this advantage does not negate the more significant fact that large numbers of pedophiles are willing to jeopardize their safety in order to collect and store child pornography on their computers. And many act out their sexual interest in children by molesting them, often repeatedly and often in large numbers. Hence, most sexual predators cannot afford to be cavalier about their safety on the Internet. And according to O'Connell (in Arnaldo, 2001), most of them are not cavalier. He notes that members of the child pornography underworld "seem ever-vigilant and primed, not only to deal with any perceived threats posed by 'detractors' but also to avoid detection" (p. 77). Jenkins (2001) points out that, "The constant emphasis [by pedophiles] on safety and self-defense is evident from the abundance of technical information [on the Internet], which constitutes a majority of postings on the boards" (p. 110).

Lesce (May 1999) notes that

Lesce also reports that many pedophiles are very technically sophisticated on the computer. For example, they know how to "'booby-trap' their computers to destroy evidence" (p. 74). Furthermore, "With modern computer programs, it isn't difficult to generate a 'macro' that will erase the entire hard drive with the press of a single key (Lesce, p. 74-75). As officers serve a pedophile with a search warrant, they may not realize "that the evidence is vanishing in front of their eyes" (p. 75).

In addition, Lesce notes that

Following are two additional factors that enhance the security for child pornography users on the Internet.

a. Privacy and Anonymity Enhance Security

In striking contrast to the lack of privacy available to a customer who purchased child pornography magazines at an urban bookstore in the pre-Internet era (Jenkins, 2001, p. 98). The privacy possible when pedophiles send and receive child pornography is "one of [the] most popular aspects of using the Internet" (Hughes, 1999, p. 44). Furthermore, pedophiles can access child pornography in the comfort and privacy of their own homes. Jenkins (2001) notes that these mens' "sense of private space ... promotes a sense of invulnerability" (p. 97).

The risks of all those involved in child pornography on the Internet are greatly diminished by the anonymity provided them by their ability to invent different identities. (Santos, p. 58). Hughes notes that "Communication in chat rooms on the Internet leave no record, so these sites have become the haven for predators trading child pornography (p. 21). Healy (2002) states that a user who has made up an identity can "route a message from Pennsylvania, through Australia, to Germany and then to Kansas where it would be impossible to determine the origination.... Responses to the anonymous messages are then similarly encoded and the responder likewise remains anonymous" (p. 6).

According to Doyle (1999), anonymity "'helps explain the relatively high levels of network traffic in pornography'" (pp. 121/2). It also "makes tracking and catching producers and distributors of child pornography extremely difficult" (Doyle, 1999, p. 121). The Internet can satisfy its customers no matter how bizarre the pornography they seek "while protecting their identity" (Doyle, p. 122). Jenkins (2001) points out that "... the overwhelming majority of child pornography enthusiasts have the means of identifying literally none of their co-users, even individuals with whom they have been in electronic contact for a decade" (p. 17).

O'Connell notes that anonymity and security are greatly fostered by "private email, mailing lists, ... IRC [Internet Relay Chatroom] and an ever-evolving set of technologies that are constantly changing and reshaping the Internet at an exponential rate" (p. 78). IRCs also make it possible "to open a Direct Channel of Communication (DCC) between two users, which bypasses the need for a server and thereby raises the level of security of the communications" (O'Connell, p. 68).

b. Internet Servers Enhance Security

Barry Crimmins testified to the Senate Judiciary Committee in ?1985/95 about the many ways in which America on Line (AOL) used to protect their pedophile customers. He informed the Senators about AOL's private rooms where pedophiles often used to meet with each other, and where AOL did not provide access to their other members. On coming across these rooms accidently, Crimmins (?1985/95) reported that he located many "atrocious rooms," many of which were "created by, and for, pedophiles." He noted that "There were rooms promoting rape, incest, the exchange of child pornography, hate crimes, and every possible, and in some cases impossible, sexual activity. If one could imagine it, it was there."

Crimmins (?1985/95) also told the Senate Judiciary Committee that "When AOL closes[d] one of the particularly egregious rooms," the representative concerned frequently protected AOL's pedophile customers by suggesting that they "re‑create the room as a 'private room'." Thus, AOL granted them the right to continue conducting their illegal activities, and informed them how they could do this. Crimmins noted that, "It is [was] in these private rooms that most of the trading of graphic image files or "GIFs" (computerized transmittable photographs) is [were] negotiated."

Crimmins (?1985/95) focused on investigating the rooms where pedophiles engaged almost exclusively in child pornography exchanges, and he also "followed some of the traders of such material into adult porn rooms where they continued to solicit and exchange child pornography." In his testimony he described in great detail all the efforts he made to demand that AOL become accountable for protecting their pedophile customers, but to no avail. Crimmins testified angrily that

c. Encryption Enhances Security

Encryption facilitates the user's security by transforming "one message into another message by using a mathematical function and a 'key'. 'Unauthorized users cannot access files or messages unless they have the key'" (Doyle, 1999, p. 121, fn 13). Pedophiles typically use encryption to conceal their child pornography photo collections by using "a code that can only be translated with special software..." (Trebilock, (1999). Child molesters on the Internet, p. 48). According to Doyle, encryption "makes tracking and catching producers and distributors of child pornography extremely difficult" (1999, p. 121), thus enhancing pedophiles' ability to evade law enforcement.

One of Jenkins' sources advises child pornography collectors to save their files on encrypted CD's. This enables them to "store up to 650MB [megabytes] on a single CD" (p. 101; Citing MB: Sweetsnatch, Jan. 10, 2000). Furthermore, these CDs are "easy to hide or destroy if the worst were to happen" (p. 101). Also, when CD's are encrypted "with PGPdisk or similar, ... no one will ever know just what you have on them" (p. 101).

d. Legal Ambiguities on the Internet Enhance Security

Community standards have been a key legal criterion in determining whether or not pornography is obscene. (With regard to child pornography, this issue is only relevant in the case of computer-generated material.) However, it is unclear what constitutes "the community" on the Internet. Ladd (2000) raises this question by asking "which community would have to find a Web site obscene in order for the site to violate the law" (p. 41). The difficulty of resolving this question on the Internet makes it more difficult to determine if pedophiles and other predators on the Internet have, or have not, broken the law.

e. Film-Free Digital Cameras and CD-ROMS Enhance Security

Nordland and Bartholet (2001) note that pedophiles can download "child pornography made with film-free digital cameras (no need to risk exposure at a photo store) and homemade CD-ROMS (Nordland and Bartholet, 2001, p. 46).

f. Temporary Postings Enhance Security

Jenkins (2001) reports that some child pornography is posted temporarily -- "sometimes for as little as a half hour" (p. ). This child pornography is usually extremely hardcore, illegal material. Pedophiles in the know are often informed through the grapevine (or "pedovine", to coin a word) about where and when these transient child pornography images will be posted. While these pedophiles are able to obtain this material, it is exceedingly difficult for members of law enforcement to be able to intercept it because it is posted for such a short time.

Countering all the above security-enhancing aspects of the Internet for pedophiles, Jenkins (2001) contends that, "Owning a collection of child pornography seems absolutely contrary to the strict security precautions and safe surfing so frequently recommended on the boards, since, if found, the images constitute irrefutable evidence of criminal behavior...." (p. 102). However, storing a small collection of child pornography is just as risky and incriminating -- if caught -- as storing a large collection.

5. The Internet Provides Pedophiles with Access to Many Potential Victims

Although one of the advantages of operating on the Internet for pedophiles is the access it gives them to children who are potential targets of their seductive efforts, this highly valued benefit is only relevant to pornography when pedophiles use it to try to lure victims. For example, some pedophiles "will send pornography to the child, including child pornography to convince the child that other children are sexually active" (Hughes, 1999, March, p. 28). In addition, some pedophiles attempt to "lower the child's inhibitions by talking about sex," sometimes very graphically -- and hence pornographically -- and "often under the guise of teaching the teen about sex" (Hughes, 1999, p. 28).

Hughes (1999) states that "Through the mid-1990s citizens of Western Europe and the United States observed that the problems of ... predators on the Internet were escalating rapidly and police officials were lagging far behind in their ability to detect and prosecute these criminals.... (p. 60).

Nordland and Bartholet (2001) maintain that, "computer technology has ... become a powerful vehicle for preying on potential young victims" (p. 48; also see Carlsson (2001) (in Carlos A. Arnaldo. (Ed.), p. 62). They can pretend to be a teenager and present themselves in a fashion attractive to the youngster they are attempting to seduce.

Nordland and Bartholet note that, "Sexual predators interested in older kids no longer [have] to lurk near a school or neighborhood hangout. Via the Internet, they [can] enter a home, introduce themselves to a teenage child and carry on a long process of seduction" (p. 47). Pedophiles have much less chance of being caught trying to seduce teenagers on the Internet than near school grounds.

Debbie Mahoney (Child predators on the Web, date) notes that pedophiles meet in online chat rooms where they share "schemes about how to meet, attract and exploit children, and how to lure the parents of their victims into a false sense of security about the predator's presence within the sanctity of the family structure" (p. 81). Some of these chat rooms become online "How To" seminars in the predatory activities of pedophiles (p. 81).

O'Connell (2001) in Arnaldo) mentions several other ways in which the Internet facilitates pedophiles' access to potential victims, including the following:

It gives "instant access to potential child victims worldwide"; 

It enables pedophiles to disguise their identities when "approaching children, even to the point of presenting [themselves] as ... member[s] of teen groups";

It gives pedophiles "Ready access to 'teen chat rooms' to find out how and who to target as potential victims"; 

It gives pedophiles the "Means to identify and track down home contact information";

It gives pedophiles the "Ability to build a long-term 'Internet' relationship with a potential victim, prior to attempting to engage the child in physical contact" (p. 68) (Adapted from 'Internet Pedophile Overview', Dr Nancy Faulkner and Debbie Mahoney. SOC-UM (www address).

Finkelhor et al. mention "a key law-enforcement concern" as being "the anonymity the Internet gives to persons [males] who might want to sexually exploit youth."

It is impossible to know the number of sex predators online who have tried to lure children into having sexual relationships with them. Nordland and Bartholet (2001, March 19) provide data showing the tremendous increase within a three-year period (1998 to 2000) of pedophiles "trying to get children under 18 to meet with them" (p. 50). They start by noting that

Finkelhor, Mitchell, and Wolak's National Survey of On-line Solicitations

Finkelhor et al.'s (2000) interviews with a nationally representative sample of 1,501 females and males aged 10 to 17 who regularly use the Internet was described in Chapter 6. The results of their findings on sexual solicitations will be the focus here. (Regularly was defined as "at least once a month for the past six months" [p. xi]). Finkelhor et al. defined "sexual solicitations as "Requests to engage in sexual activities or sexual talk or [to] give personal sexual information that were unwanted or, whether wanted or not, [that were] made by an adult" (p. x; emphasis in the original). Following are some of the major finding reported by these researchers:

The survey "confirms that large numbers of youth get sexually propositioned while online...." p. 1

"Approximately one in five received a sexual solicitation or approach over the Internet in the last year" (emphasis in the original).

"One in thirty-three received an aggressive sexual solicitation -- a solicitor who asked to meet them somewhere, called them on the telephone; sent them regular mail, money, or gifts" (emphasis in the original).

"Less than 10% of sexual solicitations... were reported to authorities such as a law-enforcement agency, an Internet service provider, or a hotline."

"About one quarter of the youth who encountered a sexual solicitation or approach told a parent" (p. ix).

The Gender of Victims

"Girls were targeted at almost twice the rate of boys (66% versus 34%)..."

"More than three quarters of targeted youth (77%) were age 14 or older..."

"Only 22% were ages 10 to 13, but this younger group was disproportionately distressed." (p. 2)

"Virtually all (97%) were persons the youth originally met online."

"Most of the adult solicitors were reported to be ages 18 to 25."

"Juveniles made 48% of the overall and 48% of the aggressive solicitations." (p. 3)

What Happened?

Finkelhor and his colleagues (2001) report that, "Based on the descriptions given to interviewers, many of the sexual solicitation appear to be propositions for 'cybersex'." (p. 3). They define cybersex as "a form of fantasy sex, which involves interactive chat-room sessions where the participants describe sexual acts and sometimes disrobe and masturbate" (p. 3).

Finkelhor et al., found that in almost two thirds (65%) of the incidents, "the youth met the person who solicited them in a chat room," whereas "in 24% of episodes the meeting occurred through Instant Messages" (p. 4). Hughes (1999, March) also maintains that chat rooms are, "The most popular forums for predators to find children" (p. 31). The "participants communicate by typing comments to each other" (p. 31). Because "exchanges in chat rooms are anonymous and no record is made of the communication," police detection is virtually impossible.

To Whom Was the Solicitation Reported?

Finkelhor et al., note that:

"In almost half of [the] incidents (49%), the youth did not tell anyone about the episode. Even when the episode was aggressive, youth did not tell in 36% of [the] incidents."

"Only 10% were reported to an authority like a teacher, an Internet service provider, or law-enforcement agency. Even with aggressive episodes, only 18% were reported to an authority." (p. 4)

Problems with Law Enforcement

Hughes (1999) notes that law enforcement officers have a difficult time "catching sexual predators on the Internet. One officer said, 'It takes about 30 seconds to find a hard-core conversation or full-color image and six months to build a case'" (p. 32). Pedophiles have to actually solicit sexual acts from a child or children in order to be arrested for this offence.

In conclusion: Finkelhor et al.'s national study along with statements by other researchers substantiates the fact that the Internet has greatly facilitated pedophiles' ability to prey on potential young victims, and to evade detection. Although the use of sting operations by law enforcement officers have been successful in many instances, the escalation in the soliciting of children on the Internet has made it difficult for them to keep up with all the work that has to go into apprehending offenders.

6. The Internet has Expanded the Types of Child Pornography Customers

All but the first of the following five types of new child pornography customers on the Internet have created an increasing number of males who are potential converts to becoming aroused by child pornography and motivated to commit child sexual abuse.

1. Child Pornography Entrepreneurs

There are new and growing numbers of child pornography producers who do not have a sexual preference for children but who are involved in this industry to make money.

2. Child Pornography Customers Searching For More Extreme Material

According to Margaret Healy (2002, February 27; World Congress against), there is "a new and growing segment of .... consumers ... who may not have a sexual preference for children, but who have seen the gamut of adult pornography and who are searching for more bizarre material," such as child pornography (p. 4). There are many other consumers who search for more extreme child pornography after becoming bored due to habituation to the less extreme kinds.

3. Child Pornography Customers Motivated by Curiosity

Healy also refers to some males "who access child pornography on the Net out of curiosity" (p. 4).

4. Child Pornography Customers Unintentionally Exposed to Child Pornography on the Internet

Adults as well as children sometimes access child pornography sites without any intention of doing so. Individuals who do a key word search can find themselves in this situation. This can occur because pornographic website operators use popular terms as key words to try "'to increase traffic to their sites (and thus advertising revenue)'" (Doyle, 1999, p. 129).

Individuals can also receive unsolicited child pornography on their email merely by logging onto one of the computer servers like America online (AOL). This can occur when someone on the same server tries to increase their business by sending a sample of their child pornography collection to this person (Doyle, 1999, p. 130).

5. New Converts Due to Easy Accessibility of Child Pornography on the Internet

There are males who would not have taken the trouble or risk of trying to purchase child pornography from a pornography store, who discover their sexual arousal to this material when they take advantage of its easy accessibility on the Internet.

7. The Internet Provides Supportive Communities for Pedophiles

It is very easy for computer users to bring together large numbers of individuals who share deviant proclivities (p. 195). For example, the Internet gives sexual predators "instant access to other predators worldwide" (O'Connell, in Arnaldo, 2001) p. 68). According to Santos (in Carlos A. Arnaldo. (Ed.). (2001), many people believe "that the Internet has become a major factor in the development of paedophile rings" internationally (p. 57). "The members of these rings use this medium to share experiences and to traffic in child pornographic images" (p. 57; Santos cites Illegal and Harmful Use of the Internet, Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Dublin, July 1998). Sharing experiences includes:

giving or receiving advice on child porn-related security issues, which "constitute a majority of postings on the boards" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 101);

the best sources of child pornography;

sexually explicit child pornography that demonstrates how to sexually abuse children;

tips on which children to sexually abuse;

the best pornography to use to lower children's inhibitions;

Nordland and Bartholet (2001) contend that, "Men who had fantasies that they were once ashamed to admit or afraid to act upon now found a 'community' in online clubs and chat rooms devoted to preteen sex" (p. 46). This is but one example of how "the Internet enables sexual predators to obtain mutual support for their adult-child sexual desires, legitimizing philosophies and/or acting out behavior" (O'Connell, 2001 (in Arnaldo), p. 68). In addition, Durkin and Bryant (1995; Log on to sex: How Computers Facilitate Deviant Behavior) maintain that the Internet "can transform deviant sexual reverie into deviant reality by feeding and enriching the individual's fantasies" (p. 195). Hence, these researchers state that there is a "distinct possibility that the supportive social context afforded by the Internet may encourage some pedophiles to molest children" (p. 16). Mahoney's corroborates this point in her statement that

In general, Durkin and Bryant observe that "The Internet provides an unprecedented source of support and information" for pedophiles (p. 16). For example, pedophiles advise each other about security issues, where to find cooperative children to sexually abuse while making pornography, identifying specific children to use for this purpose or parents willing to sell access to their children. Durkin also suggests that:

Supportive communities of pedophiles on the Internet, as well as the massive amount of electronic child pornography available, "has a 'legitimizing effect'" that enables sexual predators to believe that their impulses are acceptable "because they are shared by so many others" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 47).

Jenkins (2001) also maintains that: "Some degree of tolerance of illegality is common to Internet culture in general" -- not just the supportive communities of pedophiles referred to above (p. 96). Moreover, he asserts that "the fervently libertarian ethos of the Internet can extend even to something as condemned as child porn" (p. 97).

8. The Benefits of the Policies of most Public Libraries for Pedophile Internet Users

The permissive policies of the American Library Association and most public libraries in the United States with regard to adults accessing and downloading illegal child pornography and other pornographic material was described in detail in the previous chapter. This information will not be repeated here. A few examples that convey the benefits for pedophiles of using public library computers to download illegal child pornography and even to run their pornography businesses will be cited in this section. The first example involves a report published in The Los Angeles Times about:

In the following case, a librarian in a public library in Michigan city, Indiana, did, at least, respond to a patron's complaint by instructing a man to stop using the Internet. Perhaps her positive response to the complaint was due to the patron's assertiveness evidenced by the fact that s/he filed a complaint about the incident. This patron reported that:

In contrast to this case, the reaction of a supervisor at the Sonoma Public Library in California to a library staff member's report was unsympathetic and dismissive.

"There are 3 men on my shift who come in regularly, perhaps daily. One views child porn of nude boys in tubs.... These images are clearly visible.... What does it mean to have child molester posters up on our staff lounge & yet we make daily Internet appointments for someone to watch kiddy porn in the library on the library comp? Isn't this crazy?" (p. 12)

The supervisor responded:

"I don't like it either, but there is nothing we can do about it. The best thing for staff is to ignore it... please use your time in more constructive ways."

In the following case, two members of the library staff at a public library in Missouri "actively resisted police efforts to investigate a patron accessing child pornography. Library staff refused to cooperate, even when issued subpoenas. The county attorney explained in a letter to the library" (p. 13):

"When Fulton police received a report of a man going to the library ... and ... using the library equipment to print out child pornography at the library, an officer went to investigate. The officers and I were shocked that the library through you and Nancy resisted cooperation rather than doing everything you legally could to help." (p. 13)

Burt describes other ways in which many public library staff collude to protect pedophiles and other males who perpetrate pornography-related crimes on the premises.

"Many public libraries employ policies that would seem to encourage the illegal transmission of child pornography. Many public libraries not only have privacy screens, but also destroy patron sign-up sheets after use, and empty computer programs that delete any trace of user activity. These policies make it very difficult for law enforcement to catch pedophiles using public library Internet stations to download child pornography. Indeed, such an anonymous environment of Internet access would seem attractive to pedophiles, since there is little chance their crimes will be traced back to them." (p. 11)

Burt's conclusion that the anonymity of Internet use in public libraries would only "seem" attractive to pedophiles is overly cautious. It contributes to the creation of a utopia for pedophiles that the Internet provides.

Given cases like the above, it is not surprising that PedoWatch, a pedophile monitoring group, has reported "that on-line pedophiles are telling each other to use public libraries to download child pornography" (p. 13).

Burt's study found that "While police more often were called for the most serious type of crimes, such as attempted molestations, nearly all other crimes went unreported" (p. 36). Table 12-1 shows Burt's findings regarding the number and percentage of crimes perpetrated in public libraries involving the accessing of child pornography and the exposure of children to pornography that were reported to the police.

Table 12-1*

The Number and Percentage of Crimes Relating to Child Pornography Perpetrated in Public Libraries Reported to the Police

Crime #	Documented #	Reported %	Reported to Police
Accessing Child Pornography	41	5	12%
Exposing Children to Child Pornography	106	0	0%
Total	147	5	3.4%

*Adapted table based on Burt's (2000) chart, p. 36.

Table 12-1 shows that only 3.4 percent of the crimes involving what I presume to be adult male patrons [Burt does not identify their ages] accessing child pornography and exposing children to child pornography, are ever reported to the police. With regard to the accessing of child pornography, Burt notes that librarians had observed the child pornography in 33 out of the 41 documented incidents.

Burt noted that "Among the material librarians described seeing were 'nude pictures of young boys and girls' ..., 'pictures of babies attempting sex' ..., 'pictures of naked little boys' ..., and a photo that 'showed a child no more than five with a man's penis in her mouth.'" (p. 12)

Hence, it is not surprising that Burt suggests that

Since it appears that many library staff actively protect most of their patrons who break the law by using the libraries' computers to download child pornography, it is no wonder that PedoWatch, a pedophile monitoring group, "has confirmed that on-line pedophiles are telling each other to use public libraries to download child pornography" (p. 13). Julie Posey, the director of PedoWatch, reported as follows to Burt's study:

Burt reports that "Some urban public libraries report that their Internet stations are almost taken over by porn surfers, as this news story shows:"

"In the Los Angeles Central Library, for instance, the machines are regularly steered to online photos of naked women, digitized videos of sex acts and ribald chat-room discussions. A few patrons even use stolen or made-up credit card numbers to visit pay-per-peep porn sites.... Legitimate researchers sometimes have to wait in line because the machines are tied up by people perusing personal ads or X-rated chat rooms."

9. The Benefits for Pedophiles/Child Pornographers of Globalization on the Internet

Hughes notes that "The Internet has enabled globalization of the production and distribution of all types of pornography, including child pornography" (1999, March) ?p. 35). Healy (2002) refers to this development as having "revolutionized the international production and distribution of child pornography" (p. 1). An individual can now trade and/or sell homemade and commercial child pornography across state, national, and global borders (see Healy, p. 6). According to Carlsson, "The Net's global reach implies unprecedented potential for effectively spreading illegal images" (p. 62).

The globalization of the Internet provides pedophiles with a much greater range of child pornography to choose from, thereby facilitating their ability to obtain exactly the kinds of material they most desire (Jenkins, 2001, p. 4). Similarly, pedophiles have an ever-increasing number of individuals with whom they can trade child pornography pictures in search of the particular ones missing from sequences they wish to complete, or photographs of the particular age-group of children they lust after.

Doyle (1999) maintains that, "Increased international concern over the issue of commercial sexual exploitation of the child is due to the large focus that the non-governmental community has brought to the issue" (p. 131). Healy attributes the great concern about child pornography in industrialised countries because computers are now frequently used in schools, workplaces and homes. Furthermore, access to computers is continually growing throughout the world. Healy notes that "As the computer literate population steadily rises, the use of home computers to produce and distribute child pornography will increase" (p. 7).

The globalization of child pornography on the Internet makes it possible for certain countries to service the international community in different ways. For example, the United States -- the most advanced in Internet technology that it has developed for the production, distribution, and collection of child pornography, serves as a model for pedophiles and child molesters in other countries who can obtain this technology to meet their needs. This also applies to the many mechanisms that have been invented in the United States for enhancing the security of child pornography users on the Internet.

In some countries the laws relating to child pornography are much more permissive than others. For example, Jenkins (2001) contends that: "outside Western Europe, large areas of the world make virtually no pretense at combating underage sex or child pornography" (p. 195). He cites several former Communist countries as being lax about child pornography, noting that "much material prohibited elsewhere stems quite freely from Russia, Poland, and the Czech Republic" (p. 195). In Jenkins' (2001) opinion, "The influx of Russian and East European content has revolutionized the child porn world" (p. 196). Presumably, he is referring to the flooding of the Internet with large amounts of child pornography from these locations.

However, Jenkins (2001) singles out Japan as the "massive obstacle facing anti-pornography campaigners internationally...." (p. 198). Interpol has estimated that "most of the child pornography available on Internet sites world-wide originates in Japan" (Time Magazine (April 19, 1999) cited by Cecilia Von Feilitzen (Ed.) (1999): p. 13). This is because Japan had no law before April 1999 prohibiting child pornography (p. 13). "Anyone who wanted to buy, sell or produce such pictures could do so in Japan" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 13). Furthermore, only one country where child pornography is legal, can "sabotage all international arrangements" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 195). Hence, the legalization of child pornography in Japan has "frustrated global attempts to reduce child pornography (Time Magazine, 1999, cited by Cecilia Von Feilitzen (Ed.) (1999): p. 13).

As previously mentioned, "massive international pressure" was brought to bear on Japan in April 1999 culminating in legislation being passed to make child pornography illegal (Jenkins, 2001, p. 198). However, this legislation "does not make possession of child pornography illegal. It [merely] requires distributors to register with the police -- but threatens no penalties if they do not -- and asks Internet service providers to remove objectionable material voluntarily" (Time Magazine, p. 13). According to Jenkins (2001),

Jenkins (2001) describes Japanese kogal culture -- a term referring to the Japanese world of "little girls" (p. 198). These "little girls" are "often high school girls of fourteen or so, who can make large sums by responding to the sexual whims of grown-ups (sic)" p. 198). Most of the girls' behavior for sale is mild, including "phone sex and soft-core photographs" (p. 198). Pseudo-child pornography constitutes a great deal of Japanese sexual material involving "adult women posing as schoolgirls or young teenagers" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 198).

Jenkins (2001) points out that Japan "has very different standards [from Western nations] about what constitutes obscenity in the case of children" (p. 198). More specifically, he describes Japanese law on visual imagery in child pornography as

However, "While the major [child pornography] sites are based in Japan, most users are from North America and Europe," according to Jenkins (2001, p. 186; Emphasis added).

According to Jenkins (2001) "most 'bandit' countries are found in the third world nations of Asia and Latin America, where Westerners can readily find underage sex as well as visual depictions of such activity" (p. 199). Jenkins (2001) notes that "The child porn boards offer much advice on how to find countries where underage sex is readily available and where child pornography can easily be obtained or manufactured" (p. 196).

Doyle (1999) maintains that "Amsterdam and Manila are pedophile 'hubs' for the circulation of child pornography worldwide,'" and that "'the Netherlands and the United Kingdom are distribution centers'" (p. 126). According to Doyle (1999), "Most European child pornography is produced in Germany and England" (p. 126).* [*Footnote: For additional information on child pornography internationally, see Doyle (1999), pp. 132-137, and Healy (2002), entire article is on "Child pornography: An international perspective," Internet address).

10. Legal Factors that Benefit Pedophiles on the Internet

The Internet transcends jurisdictional borders, and because it is so new, laws have not yet been adapted to cover its unique qualities. In addition, Internet technology frequently advances much faster than laws to police it are being drafted and enacted. Furthermore, the laws on obscenity depend on an assessment of local community standards. However, it is unclear what the term community refers to regarding pornography on the Internet.

Doyle (1999) also notes that "[T]here are no international restrictions or regulations governing the Internet" (p. 132). Furthermore, "cyberspace has no physical geography," and "no territorial boundaries exist (Wells, p. 99). Largely for this reason," according to Wells, "traditional legal doctrines appear ill equipped to deal with contemporary problems that originate in cyberspace" (p. 99). Scholars and courts are giving increasing attention to "the proper legal analysis to apply to issues of jurisdiction, privacy, and intellectual property" (Wells, p. 99).

The Internet provides the opportunity for pedophiles in the United States to obtain child pornography that is illegal in this country from other countries with more permissive child pornography laws, for example, Japan and Russia.

Wells notes that, "Sweeping technological advances often force the law to adapt" (p. 99). However, changes in the law lag far behind the frequent and rapid innovations that characterize the Internet. For example, as Healy (2002) points out, "Computer alteration of images and the potential for creating computer generated pornography pose formidable challenges for courts and law enforcement officials throughout the world" (p. 1).

Although little non-electronic child pornography has been available for the last 20 years -- according to Jenkins, when it comes to the Internet era, "regulation can, in fact, achieve remarkably little (Jenkins, 2001, p. 1). Evidence supporting Jenkins' (2001) conclusion is "suggested by the easy availability on the Internet of what is probably the most reprehensible material of all, the most stigmatized, and the most rigidly prohibited: namely, child pornography" (pp. 1-2).

Because of the inability of the law to effectively curtail child pornography on the Internet, Crimmins maintains that "There is a major crime wave taking place on America's computers (p. 1). This reality leads him to conclude that "the de facto decriminalization of child pornography is taking place" (Testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee, 1985/95, p. 1). Jenkins (2001) concurs with Crimmins' pessimistic conclusion (p. 15).

11. The Internet Enhances Pedophiles/Child Pornographers' Opportunities to Profit from Selling Child Pornography

The extent to which child pornography was, and is, freely traded and swapped or sold for profit -- both prior to the advent of the Internet and afterwards -- is a striking disagreement among scholars who write about this issue.

Some contemporary commentators still emphasize the lack of a profit motive for the majority of pedophiles involved in various capacities on the Internet (e.g., Grant, David, & Grabosky (1999). Child, p. 178). For example, Jenkins (2001) claims that, "Prices in the child porn world have not just fallen, they have all but been eliminated" (p. 4). Healy (2002, p. 5) likewise contends that, "The majority of child pornography disseminated internationally is, in fact, exchanged between paedophiles and child molesters without any commercial motive" (p. 5). She also maintains that, "the overwhelming majority of child pornography seized in the United States has not been produced or distributed for profit (Healy, p. 5; Grant et al. (1999) and O'Connell (1999) concur with Healy's observation (p. 178).

On the other hand, Healy concedes that "there are those who continue to profit from its production and distribution" (p. 5; emphasis added). For example, she maintains that "Commercial production and consumption still exists in both Europe and the United States, as well as in Japan" (p. 5). Lanning disagrees with Healy's inclusion of the United States here (p. 63). However, he contends that "United States citizens [males] seem to be the main customers for much of this material" (p. 63).

In contrast with some of the scholars cited above, Campagna and Poffenberger (1988) maintained that "Child pornography is very big business" when they undertook their research (p. 123). In addition, they include interviews with two pedophiles and a child pornographer in their book who document the profitability of pornography in the 1980s (see Chapters 5 and 7 for excerpts from these interviews). In contrast to Campagna and Poffenberger, Lanning contends that because of the strict federal and state laws that were enacted in the United States in the late 1970s and early 1980s, "commercial child pornography is not openly sold anywhere in the United States today" (p. 63). In addition, he stated that when child pornography became available on the Internet, it was mostly traded, swapped, or given away to trusted pedophiles and child molesters. However, Lanning also concedes that "profit-motivated, child-pornography distribution" has resumed with the arrival of the Internet and is on the increase (p. 63).

Many other researchers and commentators stress the profit motive in the production and distribution of child pornography on the Internet. Santos (2001), for example, reports that "Selling child porn on the net can be very lucrative for producers and distributors" (p. 58). Nordland maintains that, "Today, international pedophile rings sell and trade hundreds of images" (p. 47). Hick and Halpin (2001) notes that some members of the pedophile community "seek commercial profit" for child pornography (p. 60). Furthermore, Samantha Friel (1997, Fall) maintains there are "business-oriented pornographers who are just in it for the money" (p. 227; emphasis added). Thomas and Janice Reedy provide an example of these kind of pornographers. I noted in Chapter 5 that they owned one of the largest child pornography enterprises on the Internet which earned them approximately $1.4 million a month and a million dollars in fees from the web sites to which they provided access.

Money may motivate service providers to make illegal sites accessible to their customers. According to one Internet source: "The FEAR of losing users who access these illegal groups and the loss of the MONEY that these same users pay," explains why service providers do nothing to control child pornography and other illegal sites. This anonymous source concludes that "In effect, children are being exploited on the internet for profit" (www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/5021/list.htm. Version 11/06/96).

British journalist Tim Tate (Child Porn, 1990, p. 221) singles out the commercial and amateur computer-games industry as being "quick to cash in on the easy money of electronic sex" (p. 221). Although he notes that "The vast majority of such software is aimed at normal heterosexual men," he points out that some of this software "allows consumers to opt for juvenile 'partners' in the game" (p. 221).

A growing number of parents are also motivated by money to sell their daughters for use in child pornography. The testimony of a pedophile called Stewart and an interview with a child pornographer (see Chapters 7) provide many examples of such parents.

Finally, Healy makes the vital point that "Once child pornography enters the public sphere, even if by trade of gift, it becomes available to anyone who chooses to use it for monetary gain" (p. 5).

12. Obstacles for Law Enforcement Officers in Apprehending and/or Convicting Pedophiles/Child Pornographers on the Internet

There are many obstacles for law enforcement officers when it comes to apprehending pedophiles on the Internet. For a start, pedophiles have captured a huge lead over law enforcement officers because of their networking and greater technical expertise" (Lesce, p. 78). According to Lesce, there are now companies that

These developments "impedes law enforcement because some pedophiles pretend to be in foreign countries. American police officers will often pass them up because they're only interested in apprehending local molesters" (p. 76).

Lesce also notes that: "Almost never does anything directly incriminating, such as a pornographic picture of a child, appear on a web site, forum or newsgroup (p. 76). This is because the operators of Internet Service Providers ban such pictures, and sometimes expel the individual responsible for this risky behavior because they want to avoid "entanglements with the law" (p. 76). The fact that child pornography sites are constantly moving creates difficulties for law enforcement officers who "have to chase them from one site to another" (p. 76).

Lesce mentions another "time-consuming aspect of investigations" caused by the fact

Jenkins (2001) maintains that "the vast bulk of arrests [on the Internet] ... involve low-level or plainly careless perpetrators" (p. 143). Elsewhere he refers to them as "naive amateurs" (p. 150). Jenkins (2001) claims that the police rarely succeed in apprehending the "hard-core dealers and traffickers" (p. 150). Apprehending these sophisticated child pornographers "is a highly expensive and time-consuming affair, requiring immense technical expertise and diplomatic skill" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 153).

For officers to be able to arrest sexual predators they "must transmit obscene images of children that are probable to be underage, or solicit sexual acts from children" (Hughes, p. 32). Furthermore, Hughes maintains that "Even when arrests are made judges and juries do not always see the harm done by predators to children" (p. 32). Jenkins (2001) concludes that "it is just much easier to produce a hundred low-level arrests than to pursue one high-level investigation" (p. 153).

However, the police were successful in arresting and convicting members of the international hardcore Wonderland network with its "data base of more than 100,000 sexual photographs of naked boys and girls, some younger than two, some engaged in sexual acts with adults" (Jenkins, 2001, p. 154; described in Chapter XX). But according to Jenkins (2001), their success

O'Connell (in Arnaldo, 2001) suggests that there are

O'Connell maintains that:

Jenkins (2001) contends that, "the long-term eradication of child porn is going to be extraordinarily difficult" (p. 100). Elsewhere he declares that "Even if they [the police] arrest hundreds or thousands of child porn users each year, the staggering mathematics of Internet usage imply that the traffic will continue" (p. 154). Jenkins (2001) arrives at the depressing conclusion that, "Despite all the enforcement efforts of recent years, it is still remarkably easy for any reasonably discreet person to pursue this highly illegal conduct indefinitely, as long as obvious traps are avoided" (p. 215).

Conclusion

The demand for child pornography by males who have a sexual attraction to children is at the heart of the child pornography problem. Child pornography is produced to meet this demand. The greater the demand, the greater the number of children who are sexually abused to create the child pornography. Globalization increases the demand, as also does the fact that ever-growing numbers of men the world over -- including pedophiles -- are gaining access to computers.

Because the Internet makes it so easy to obtain child pornography, pedophiles are able to indulge their seemingly insatiable desire for ever-larger collections of this material. Moreover, the immense and constant demand for new child pornography increases the motivation of pedophiles and child pornographers to take such pictures. And as the habituation factor leads to increasing numbers of pedophiles demanding new and often more extreme child pornography pictures (hence, Jenkins' [2001] observation that "the images now coming online are ever more explicit and hard core," [p. 4].), the more children will be subject to these more extreme forms of sexual abuse. This, of course means that these children will be more seriously harmed by being used to manufacture this material.

The more utopian the Internet becomes for pedophiles and child pornographers, the greater the prevalence and magnitude of the damage done to the ever-increasing numbers of children in the United States and the rest of the world who are sexually abused. This chapter closes with an excerpt of Barry Crimmins' testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee about the negative consequences for children of "the development and growth of the Internet and on‑line service providers" which "has enabled exploiters of children to distribute child pornography to the masses" (Crimmins, date, p. ). Crimmins (?1985/95) continues his testimony by noting that

....In the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children's excellent report: "Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis," the gravity of trafficking child pornography is addressed when the author [Lanning] aptly summates, "Any individual, however, who collects or distributes child pornography actually perpetuates the sexual abuse or exploitation of the child portrayed. It is no different than the circulation of sexually explicit pictures taken by a rapist of his victim during the rape. Such collectors of child pornography are, in essence, child molesters." (p. )

Following is a selection from the sample of member room titles that Crimmins (?1985/95) found on AOL: "Dadsn daughters; Incest is best; Under 15; Hairless little vulvas; Preteen pic exchange; Teens 12 to 14; Momdadsisbro; Incest dau; Rape fantasies; Like em under 12; Brothers and sisters; Have hot stepdaughter; Aunts and nephews; Need mommy to teach son; Teen incest stories; Daddy and son; and Daadys lil girl". Crimmins comments that, "Some of these rooms seem innocent, but I have checked, and believe me, they are all frequented by pedophiles and traffickers in child pornography" (p. ).

 

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