THE DAMAGING EFFECTS OF CHILD PORNOGRAPHY
by Diana E.H. Russell, Ph.D.
Written September 2004

DO NOT QUOTE WITHOUT OBTAINING MY PERMISSION.

Introduction and Background: I sent this manuscript to my editor at Routledge Publishers in September 2004. Unfortunately, I was very late in meeting my deadline for many reasons, especially my intense involvement in initiating a campaign against the richest landlord in Berkeley (after UC Berkeley) for his 15-year exploitation of minor sexual slaves imported from India -- among other crimes. My editor had just quit her position at Routledge to accept a job at the New York University Press, so my manuscript remained unread while Routledge searched for a new editor. By January of 2005, a new editor had still not been hired, so I wrote to Mary McGinnis, the Vice President of Routledge to ask her what I should do about this. I feared if I revised the manuscript before I had an editor, she might well request that I revise it yet again. Ms. McGinnis told me to go ahead and revise it. Meanwhile, she said she would also like to see my manuscript. Less than a week later, she called me and declared that, "There is no way that Routledge will be associated with a book of this nature." "Why not?" I asked her. "It's the branding issue," she replied. "What do you mean?" I asked her, but she didn't explain. I interpreted her statement to mean that she didn't want Routledge to become known for publishing such a shocking book. It included many sexually explicit child pornography stories written for pedophiles, as well as descriptions of child pornography, including gross cartoons, all of which were legal. I told Ms. McGinnis that I was willing to remove the material that bothered her, but she insisted that she had discussed the issue with members of the staff, and she wasn't willing to reconsider. She resolutely held to her position despite my continued pleas. Since my manuscript was late, I had broken our contract, so I knew she would have this excuse to disregard it. Of course, this wasn't a genuine concern for her, since she had told me that I should go ahead and revise my manuscript. She said that she would help me find another publisher for this book. However, she did not follow through on this promise. I contacted my previous editor at New York University Press to ask if she and this publishing house would be interested in publishing Stolen Innocence. It so happened that New York University Press had published the major social scientific book on child pornography in recently. So she said that there would be no interest in publishing a book that would be in competition with this volume. I considered suing Routledge for breach of contract, since the lateness issue was obviously not the real reason for refusing to give me a chance to revise my manuscript. A respected colleague advised me not to, because she believed this would make it next to impossible to find another publisher, as well as jeopardizing publishers' interest in future projects of mine.

Stolen Innocence: The Damaging Effects of Child Pornography
Chapter 10: Other Damaging Effects of Pornography on Children

This chapter will focus on some of the damaging effects of child pornography not dealt with elsewhere in this volume.

Many books and hundreds of articles have been written about the damaging effects of child sexual abuse on children. In contrast, there are very few studies about the damaging consequences of pornography-related child sexual abuse as well as the damage to some children of viewing pornography.* [*Footnote: For a detailed two-page list of psychological effects on the victims/survivors of child sexual abuse, and the behavioral manifestations of this abuse, see Finkelhor (1986), pp. 186-187.]

Harmon and Boeringer (2002, January 20) note that there are ethical problems in exposing children to research using pornography because of "the possible permanent effects that subjects might suffer" (p. 5). These researchers emphasize that the "extreme violence and brutality sometimes present in postings on the internet cannot be over-emphasized when discussing the potential effects upon viewers -- especially young viewers" (p. 5).

However, there would be no ethical problem conducting research based on interviews with children who have been used in the production of pornography (including extreme forms of it) about the psychological, physical, and social effects of their experiences. Psychological tests could also be administered to assess the effects of the abuse. The same methodology could be applied to adults who were subjected to pornography-related sexual abuse in their childhoods. This is the methodology used by Burgess et al. (to be described shortly). The best methodological strategy may be to interview child victims in reported cases and/or adults who experienced pornography-related sexual abuse in their childhoods, to ascertain the impact of this experience.

1. Some Damaging Effects on Children of Exposure to Pornography

David Finkelhor, Kimberly Mitchell and Janis Wolak (June 2000)'s study based on a national representative sample of 1,501 children and adolescents' involuntary access to pornography on the Internet, was described in detail in Chapter 6. The focus here is on inadvertent and unwanted exposures to pornography on the Internet showing pictorial images of naked people or people having sex which boys and girls found distressing.

Finkelhor et al., defined distressing exposures to pornography as those which the girls and boys found "very or extremely upsetting" (p. 13). They found that:

6% of the girls and boys reported having "a distressing* [Footnote: Finkelhor et al., appear to use the words distressing and upsetting interchangeably] exposure to unwanted sexual pictures on the Internet in the last year" (p. 13).

72% of the girls and boys were surfing the net when they encountered pornography that they found distressing compared to 30% who were exposed when opening an email or clicking on an email link.

Approximately 25% of both girls and boys reported being exposed to pornography. Of those who were distressed, slightly more were boys than girls (57% vs. 42%). Finkelhor et al., suggest that this discrepancy "may reflect the reality that boys tend to allow their curiosity to draw them closer to such encounters" (p. 14).

Of the youth who reported being distressed:

23% were "very or extremely upset by the exposure" (p. 16).

20% were "very or extremely embarrassed," and

20% "reported at least one symptom of stress" (p. 16). For example:

-- They stayed away from the Internet - 17% vs 34%;

-- They could not stop thinking about it - 6% vs 16%;

-- They "Felt jumpy or irritable" - 2% vs 7%;

-- They "Lost interest in things" - 1% vs 7% (p. 19).

Clearly, more research is needed on the effects of exposure to pornography on young male viewers, particularly because studies suggest that "over 50% of various categories of paraphiliacs [sex offenders] had developed their deviant arousal patterns prior to age 18" (Einsiedel, 1986, p. 53). Einsiedel also suggested that "the age-of-first-exposure variable and the nature of that exposure needs to be examined more carefully."

Itzin and Sweet (1992) analyzed the answers of 4,000 readers of an issue of British Cosmopolitan magazine in November 1989 (and published in March 1990). Ninety-six percent of the respondents were women. These researchers noted that

Hence, it appears that early exposure to pornography has a major impact on girls.* [*Footnote: Unfortunately, there is no information on the percentage of girls who became pregnant as a result of early intercourse, and how many of these pregnancies occurred outside of marriage.]

One of the women who participated in the Cosmopolitan survey disclosed how devastated she was by seeing pornography.

"When I was ten my family was visiting my uncle and aunt's house. I was sitting next to my father when my uncle gave him a bound volume of 'adult' magazines. I looked over his shoulder, but I couldn't believe what I saw. I felt everything I was going to grow up to had been made dirty and cheap, only for titillation." (Itzin and Sweet, 1992, p. p. 229)

The testimony of the following woman also reveals the negative long-term effect of viewing pornography when she was very young.

"'My unhealthy concept of sex began when I was a child between the ages of seven and nine. At that time I was introduced to both pictorial and written pornography. This was over fifty‑five years ago. My entire concept of what sex was all about came from these materials.'" (The Attorney General's Commission on Pornography, Vol. 1, p. 814)

2. The Trauma and Damaging Effects to Child Victims Resulting from Pornography-Related Child Sexual Abuse

Following are the conclusions of different researchers, a Government Commission and a government committee, about some of the traumatic effects of pornography-related child sexual abuse. Despite the fact that the Attorney Generals' Commission on Pornography (1986) summarized some of what they described as "the devastating effects of pornography" on its victims, it is doubtful that they were able to separate the negative effects of pornography from the negative effects of the sexual abuse. Unless otherwise stated, this applies to the other study findings reported in this section.

"In the short term the effects of such involvement [with pornography] include depression, suicidal thoughts, feelings of shame, guilt, alienation from family and peers, and massive acute anxiety. Victims in the longer term may successfully 'integrate' the event, particularly with psychiatric help, but many will likely suffer a repetition of the abuse cycle (this time as the abuser) [if male], chronic low self esteem, depression, anxiety regarding sexuality, role confusion, a fragmented sense of self, and possible entry into delinquency or prostitution." (pp. 613-614)

With regard to damaging effects, Healy (2002) maintains that:

The 1977 Judiciary Committee found that the children used in pornography "tended to be vulnerable children who were easily victimized and who became deeply scarred by their ordeals (S. Rep. No. 438, 95th Cong., 2nd Sess. 5, 1977; cited by Linz and Imrich, p. 87).

According to Linz and Imrich (2001), children who have been used in child pornography are typically "unable to develop healthy affectionate relationships in later life, have sexual dysfunctions, and have the tendency to become sexual abusers as adults" (p. 89). There is a great deal of solid, scientific research that substantiates these findings (refs).

Burgess et al. (1984) conducted one of the very few scientific studies on the effects of pornography-related sexual abuse of children victimized in sex abuse rings. She and her colleagues interviewed children and their parents or caretakers two years after the child participants disclosed their experiences.

"All of the children had very strong traumatic responses [to the pornography-related child sexual abuse] including: intrusive thoughts, flashbacks, vivid memories and dreams; almost all became increasingly isolated and withdrawn from others. Other 'symptoms' reported two years later for many included: hyperalertness; aggressive behaviour; and 'hypermasculine risk taking' (p. 56) (p. 660). Childhood stress responses like bed wetting, disturbed sleep, and mood changes were also common." (Cited by Kelly et al., 1995, p. 55: The Research Evidence to Date - find in Burgess)

In Burgess et al.'s study of children who were used in the creation of pornography when they were involved in sex abuse rings, they found "a significant relationship between involvement in pornography and a pattern of identification with the exploiter...." (also referred to as "identification with the aggressor" -- meaning that some of the characteristics or behavior of the perpetrator [in this case] are incorporated by their victims). (Response patterns in children and adolescents exploited through sex rings and pornography, American Journal of Psychiatry 14:5 (May 1984), pp. 9-10.) This harmful coping strategy often results in these males, and a few females, becoming sexual predator(s) later in their lives.

In an earlier report, Burgess, Groth and McCausland (1981) "found that having been used in pornography was a poor prognosis factor for victims of child sex rings" (cited by Itzin, 1996, p. 188).

In sex rings involving multiple child victims and the production of child pornography, some children are forced to perpetrate abuse -- including rape -- on other children in front of the camera. Kelly et al., (1995) note that this experience "exacerbates shame, humiliation and powerlessness, and requires additional adaptational responses" by these victim-perpetrators (p. 57). Hunt and Baird (1990) refer to these same negative effects on children as a result of "being photographed while being sexually abused," adding that this experience is "devastating" to the victims (p. 202; cited by Itzin, 1996, p. 188).

Norma Howes states that she has counselled about 450 girls and boys from four years and older since 1987. These children have been victimized by pornography-related child sexual abuse. She reports that

Victims' statements about the trauma of pornography-related child sexual abuse

The following woman reported that her first exposure to pornography was when she was in 5th grade. The babysitter showed her and her brother 8" x 10" glossy pornographic photos of people having sex. Then he tried to have sex with them.

"After we refused to do it [have sex] he would barricade us in the bathroom and make us watch him jerk off. He also made us touch him. (Where?) On his genitals. He'd show us pictures and he'd demonstrate a hard‑on for us so we'd know what it was. He made fun of my brother because he [his penis] was so little.

"(What did you feel about the pornographic pictures?) I felt repulsed and that it was ugly and wrong. I didn't want to grow up and have to do it. I thought about becoming a nun and got more religious. I didn't feel good about my body. (Long term effects?) It took me a long time to feel comfortable with certain sexual positions and sex." (Russell, 1994, p. )

Another woman said that she was shown pornography at age seven. She was also

"a victim of both cunnilingus and rape by her 17 year-old brother. 'I still suffer from the humiliation of all that happening to me. My self-esteem suffered for years. I'm now 34 and I'm still not over the guilt and trauma.'" (Badgely, p. 1280)

A 41-year-old woman was "shown pornography at age six." She was also "threatened and raped by her uncle. 'Children see pictures, they don't forget..." she said. "I was frightened of males. It took years to heal the scars.'" (Badgely, p. 1280)

"A teenage boy who had run away from home reported having been sexually abused by his uncle. He stated he was shown pornographic materials in the course of sexual abuse and he was used in the production of pornographic films.... 'It was a difficult situation for me. And afterwards, I attempted suicide several times.'" (Gov. Comm. Vol. 1, p. 800)

"A woman whose father had used pornography in his sexual abuse of her from the age of three testified: 'I was nothing but a pornographic tool for his use. I cannot distinguish the difference between sex and pornography. Because of my sexual abuse as a child, I am extremely against pornography, and because of pornography I cannot enjoy sex.'" (Vol. 1, p. 815)

The final example is about the trauma that a former male victim of a child sex abuse ring experienced.

"A young man who had been forced to engage in sexual acts for the production of pornography testified that he and other boys who had been exploited by a sex ring felt stigmatized by the publicity surrounding the investigation and prosecution of the offenders. 'Those of us who were involved in the ring never talked about it. We wanted to forget the experience. But since my name became public I couldn't escape the stigma of being involved in the sex scandal. I started taking drugs heavily at age twelve to try to cope with the situation.' (Vol. 1, p. 819)

3. The Trauma and Damaging Effects for Children of Having a Permanent Record of Their Sexual Abuse Experiences Distributed as Child Pornography

Calcetas-Santos (1996, December) points out that "once such material [child pornography] is loaded onto the information highway, there is no way to stop its dissemination" (p. 15). Several researchers use quite extreme words to describe the devastating impact children suffer on realizing that the photographs of their abuse are circulating on the Internet. For example, Michael Hames reports that,

Pornography researcher Gail Dines corroborates Hames' observation. She reports that many of her students who were photographed while being sexually abused in childhood are terrified that a photograph of themselves will be included in the slide presentation that Dines shows to her class -- even though she focuses on adult pornography (Personal Communication, March 24, 2003).

Note that the Attorney Generals' Commission on Pornography (1986) also uses extreme language when reporting that all the victims of child pornography "will suffer the agony of knowing the record of their sexual abuse is in circulation, its effects on their future lives unknowable and beyond their control. That may well be their most unhealable wound" (pp. 613-4; emphasis added).

Itzin (1996) cites a study in which women reported "being used to pose for child pornography and then living into adulthood in dread of finding the photographs published" (p. 169). Tate quotes a victim of very severe sexual abuse by her father who took photographs while he abused her. She reported that:

Calcetas-Santos (1996) notes that, "The availability of child pornography on the internet results in the repeated victimization of the child on an unprecedented scale" (p. 15). Many other researchers make a similar point. The children become distressed when they become aware "that others will be able to see their humiliation" without their being able to know about it, and "that what for them was humiliating and shameful is sold/made available as a source of enjoyment for others" (Kelly et al., 1995, p. 54). Another source of distress to these children is "that what they have done under coercion, and/or as a survival strategy will be seen as at least complicity, and at worst enjoyment" (Kelly et al., p. 54).

The child victims typically find it threatening to speak about what happened to them because they fear others negatively judging them for their participation in child pornography (Kelly et al., p. 54). The victims of child pornography/sexual abuse "who enjoyed the attention or who were sexually stimulated carry special shame about their participation in pornography" (Healy, p. 10). Furthermore, sexual predators use the child pornography photographs of their victims

Lanning reports that "Some children have even committed crimes in attempts to retrieve or destroy the permanent record of their molestation" (cited by Tate, p. 184). Healy makes a similar point, noting that "those who have been photographed [to make child pornography] may take drastic measures, for example, burning the house where the pictures are located or stealing back the record of their exploitation" (p. 10).

Counseling Victims

Norma Howes reports that she has counseled about 450 girls and boys from four years and older since 1987. These children have been victimized by pornography-related child sexual abuse. Howes noted that she used "video-tape to record the [child's] disclosure interviews" (Tate, 1990, p. 195). She said that she observed "a completely different response from a child who has been photographed while being abused than from those who haven't" (p. 195). She found that "the children who have been involved in pornography start getting agitated, getting sweaty and become really worried about what I'm going to do with this camera. And that's even though I have explained to them what it is really for and obtained their informed consent to its use," Howes said (p. 195). She noted that it is very clear "that child pornography has been used as part of a control mechanism to stop them telling, because if they tell then somebody will get to see the pictures" (p. 195).

Howes contends that

4. The Trauma for Children of Being Identifiable in Computer-Generated Pornography

Rather than creating an original computer-generated image, Friel notes that child pornographers "will find it easier to distort and manipulate pictures of actual children" to manufacture pornography (p. 236). Because "the photograph has a strong psychological power in our culture" and because there is a common conviction that "the camera doesn't lie," ... "A child who is falsely depicted as a subject of virtual pornography would undoubtedly be shocked and humiliated if he or she discovered such an image" (p. 236).

Shirley O'Brien suggests seven different kinds of emotional consequences for a child who views her/his "own manipulated image" used in pornography (p. 236, fn. 208). The image

"(1) arouses feelings with which the child is unable to cope because of the child's lack of experience; (2) degrades the child's self-image; (3) suggests that the child wanted to engage in the conduct and, therefore, is willing to participate in real sexual experiences; (4) makes the child vulnerable to sexual dependency;* [*this consequence is incomprehensible to me.] (5) inhibits the healthy sexual functioning in later life; (6) invades the child's privacy' and (7) distorts the child's sense of what is appropriate behavior." (Cited by Friel, pp. 236-237, fn. 208)

Despite these points, Friel quite rightly points out that few would argue that the humiliation of being recognizable in computer-generated child pornography "is equal to the pain and loss of innocence of actual sexual abuse" (Friel, pp. 236-237).

5. Pornography and the Creation of Distorted Views in Children

Pornography researcher James Check (1995) makes the important point that there is very little research on how exposure to pornography affects children outside of the context of their being shown this material by perpetrators. He is not referring to the children "who are depicted in pornography, but those who are consumers of pornography" (In Lederer and Delgado, p. 89).

In order to address this neglected issue, Check conducted several studies substantiating that high percentages of Canadian children are consumers of pornography (these studies were described in Chapter 6). He suggests that this exposure "has a much greater effect on children than it does on adults" (cited in Lederer and Delgado, 1995, p. 90). He notes, for example, that, "Fourteen-year-olds are exploring sexuality, desperate for information, and pornography provides what they think is useful information about sex" (p. 90). However, not surprisingly, one of his studies showed that what they learned was far-from-useful information about sex.

"(M)any young boys indicated that they learned from pornography to connect the use of force during sex with excitement, with feeling stimulated. They also learned that force was justified if the female was at all active, i.e., if she took the initiative.

"The condition that produced the most acceptance of force during sex was when the female sexually excited the male." (p. 90).

Applying a scale that ranged from the choice "not at all okay" to "definitely okay", Check found that "forty-three percent of the boys and 16 percent of the girls said holding a girl down and forcing her to have intercourse if a boy has been sexually excited is at least 'maybe okay' or [they] said 'I'm not sure'" (pp. 90-91). In addition, "only 71 percent of the girls and 35 percent of the boys said it's 'definitely not okay'" (p. 91).

6. The Sexualization of Children by Child Pornography has Deleterious Effects on All Children

The preamble to the Child Pornography Prevention Act of 1996 maintains that "the sexualization and eroticization of minors through any form of child pornographic images has a deleterious effect on all children" (p. 87). This is because it encourages "a societal perception of children as sexual objects ... leading to further sexual abuse and exploitation of them" (p. 87). This sexualization of children, in turn, "creates an unwholesome environment which affects the psychological, mental and emotional development of children and undermines the efforts of parents and families to encourage the sound mental, moral, and emotional development of children" (p. 87).

7. The Relationship Between Child Pornography and Child Prostitution

In contrast to adult women, many children who are used in pornography are so powerless that their perpetrators typically do not pay them. With child prostitution, it is the pimps -- not the prostituted children -- who get paid.

Child pornography and child prostitution are both forms of child sexual exploitation or child sexual abuse, and in both cases, a very high percentage of these children were sexually abused earlier in their childhoods. Another characteristic that child prostitutes and children abused in child pornography have in common is that many of them are runaways from abusive homes. Researchers Mimi Silbert and Ayala Pines (1984), who conducted a study of 200 prostitutes, refer to the "stunning amounts of sexual abuse of street prostitutes... in their childhood prior to entering prostitution" (in Russell, Making Violence Sexy). p. 115). More specifically, Silbert and Pines (1982) reported that between 60 and 70 percent of young prostituted women were sexually abused as children (p. 479 [look for page number in article in my 1984 book]).

In addition, although Silbert and Pines (1984) did not ask their sample of 200 prostituted women whether or not they had ever been used in pornography, "38% of the ... women prostitutes they interviewed ... reported that sexually explicit photographs had been taken of them when they were under the age of 16 "for commercial purposes, and/or the personal gratification of the photographer" (p. 118). Clearly the 38 percent figure would have been much higher had Silbert and Pines specifically asked the sample of prostituted women whether or not pornographic photographs had ever been taken of them. It is surprising that almost two decades after Silbert and Pines (1982) published their findings, no one has attempted to ask a sample of prostitutes the questions that these researchers failed to ask.

A woman referred to as Ms. S. testified for a group of previously prostituted women in Minneapolis.>[i] She noted that,

"All of us feel very strongly about the relationship between pornography and prostitution.... One of the very first commonalities we discovered was that we were all introduced to prostitution through pornography, and we were all under 18 at the time. Pornography was our textbook. We learned the tricks of the trade by men exposing us to pornography; we tried to mimic what we saw. I can not stress enough what a huge influence we feel this was. These pictures were of real men and women who appeared to be happy consenting adults, engaged in human sexuality."

Brannon (2003) refers to three studies of prostitution that found that the average age of entering prostitution was 14 years (Weisberg, 1984; Silbert & Pines, 1982; and Gray, 1973). Brannon notes that "if the average age was 14, then about half of these children had been prostituted at a younger age than 14." A fourth study of prostitutes in San Francisco found that the average age of entering prostitution was 13. A number of these little girls had been prostituted at nine, 10, and 11 years of age (Brannon, 2003). Brannon contends that there is such a strong statistical relationship between victims of childhood sex abuse becoming prostitutes, that it is clear that child sexual abuse is a major precursor to being prostituted.

Both child pornography and child prostitution are components of the sex industry. Kelly et al. (1995, p. 11) noted that they the same children are often used in both of these components simultaneously (p. 11). These researchers cite Gita Sereny's (1986) "study of child prostitution in three of the richest countries in the world," in which she found that every one of the child prostitutes that she had spoken to "had also been asked at some point to pose for porn photos or appear in films" (pp. 11-12).

Brannon write that "A girl's entry into prostitution is not a pretty one. A scared, desperate, emotionally wounded runaway girl of 12, 13, 14, or 15," with no money, no means of livelihood, and nowhere to run, is preyed upon by pimps who initially pose as kind caretakers, but soon show their true colors (p. 2003, p. ). As Kathleen Barry has documented, girls like this "will soon be in a situation of violence, abuse, and control that they are not able to leave" (Brannon, p. ).

With regard to the connections between child pornography and child prostitution, Rush (1980 book) pointed out that, "Those who profit from child prostitution will [sometimes] also exploit the lucrative sideline of child pornography" (p. 163). She also noted that, "Organized prostitution rings are usually well supplied with cameras and movie equipment. And once a child learns to survive by prostitution, earning a few extra dollars posing for porn pictures and films is not too difficult" (p. 163).

Children who are poor, rejected, neglected, from stigmatized racial or ethnic minorities in poor Third World -- especially African -- countries are particularly vulnerable to being used in child prostitution and commercially produced child pornography and as primary targets of sex tourists (Kelly et al., 1995). Kelly and her colleagues wonder if "children are easier to procure [from places] where physical survival is a daily struggle, [and] where children have to work from an early age" (p. 12).

Jenkins (2001), maintains that requests for rare material is particularly sought after on the Internet pedo boards. He notes that one of the rare but most popular themes that arouses real enthusiasm is "Black loli," [loli refers to pre-pubescent children], and African or African American children (p. 85). Consistent with Jenkins' observation, Kelly et al. (1995) also maintain that "The majority of children in the world who are victims of sexual exploitation come from poor, often exclusively Black, countries" (p. 12). These researchers suggest that "the sexual exploitation of Black children is probably more acceptable to white supremacist male producers and consumers" who can dehumanize them "as not only 'non-persons' but also 'non-children' (p. 12). Racist stereotypes of Black girls as 'erotically exotic' are fostered by this material (p. 12).

Kelly and her colleagues also note that

8. The Relationship Between Child Pornography and Child Sex Tourism

Kelly et al. (1995) refer to the fact that "sex tourism involves the richer nations 'exporting' abusers to the poorer" (p. 13). More specifically, these researchers note that "destinations in South East Asia, Latin America and increasingly Africa have become favoured by sex tourists, including those seeking sex with children" (p. 12). They argue that the sexual abuse of children as a result of sex tourism "is the outcome of the conjunction of sexism, racism, imperialism, and children's powerlessness in relation to adults" (p. 12).

Companya and Poffenberger (p. 143) describe a case in which a Thai man called Manit Thamaree was arrested by Thai police for several crimes in July 1985, including organizing "packaged sex tours" in which he provided males from the United States and other Western nations with the opportunity to visit Thailand and rape young Thai children (pp. 143-144).

Another of Thamaree's crimes involved "the production and distribution of child pornography that showed children being raped by Western adults" (p. 143). Thamaree had a distribution list of more than 200 customers for the United States. The magazines advertizing his trips "depicted scenes of children, ranging in age from 7 to 13, engaged in sexual activates with adults" (p. 144). After Thamaree's arrest, he

"was found in possession of thousands of negatives and prints of white males raping children. ... Many of the pictures had notations on the reverse side that identified the perpetrators as 'Americans,' 'Australians,' or men from different European countries." (p. 144)

Jenkins (2001) notes that, "many of the hard-core images circulated on the Net are the incidental products of 'sex tourism'" (p. 186). He describes these images as portraying "white men having sex with young Asian or Latina girls" (p. 186). Jenkins (2001) suggests that these photographs "are presumably souvenirs taken by tourists visiting third world countries during the 1980s and 1990s" (p. 186). He reports that "Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia are the main Asian venues" for sex tourism (p. 186).

9. The Relationship Between Child Pornography, Trafficking in Children, and Child Sexual Slavery

Kelly et al. (1995, p. 20): quote The Council of Europe's most recent definition of trafficking as:

"'Any act or activity aimed at bringing a child or a young person into prostitution or pornography or maintaining him/her there, possibly by transporting him/her at national or international level, even with his/her consent or by means of deception, threats, force or other influence.'" (p. 26)

Kelly et al. (1995, p. 26) note that the "lack of options for children and young people in developing countries" is a major factor in the occurrence of organised trafficking, "and conditions which can only be described as sexual slavery" (p. 26; also see Basak, 1991).

Santos (Carlos Arnaldo in Carlos A. Arnaldo, (Ed.), (2001). points out that, "The global computer communication network has ... become the latest vehicle for trafficking in women and children (p. 58). Santos notes that "It is widely used by men to exchange detailed information on where to find children for sex, or to give information on actual locations where pimps sell pre-teen girls, the sex acts that can be bought, and the price for each act" (p. 58).

Fortunately, according to Jenkins (2001), "at least in official policy, the advanced industrial world now seems to form a united front against this trafficking" (p. 201).

Conclusion

The damaging effects of child pornography described in this chapter are far from comprehensive. However, they augment the major damaging effect described in Chapters 9 and 10 on my theory of how exposure to pornography causes child sexual abuse.

There is an urgent need for more scientific studies on the damaging effects of child pornography. Lemmey and Tice (2000) concur with this point in the following paragraph, including the need for research on child prostitution.

"For the sake of the millions of children involved today [in child pornography and child prostitution], and for all of the potential victims of the future, detailed, in-depth, empirical research on the dynamics of child pornography and child prostitution is desperately needed, especially as it pertains to the motivations and behaviors of the consumers of pornography and the clients of prostitutes. If such research is not undertaken soon, the intermittent but fleeting flare of the media spotlight will do little to prevent or even reduce the continuing proliferation of devastating sexual abuse among defenseless children who live in the shadows, unseen and largely ignored." (p. 101)

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